Tuesday, February 21, 2017

7. Contradictions in the Mass Production of the Maker Movement

During our last class discussion, we touched on a critical topic in the maker movement: the role of play alongside work and its significance to our broader society. A lot of useful ideas about play and its importance to children came up, mostly as an argument against the common assumption that play is a distraction from the rigor and structure a child should have to live under. Rather, my classmates argued, children need play not only for the respite and recreational value of it, but the learning qualities associated with play-based activities. The Montessori quote saying “play is the work of childhood” resonated in this discussion, where play was credited with teaching valuable technical and soft skills for children. One moment that crystallized my understanding of the importance of play was Kristin’s story about the kids’ basketball coach who refused to yell and tell the kids what to do during a game. The coach’s response that “they shouldn’t be acting in response to me, they should be acting in response to the game” really captures the essence of making as an analogy that places value on children, and by extension all makers, learning by doing rather than being told how by an authority figure.

As the maker movement grows beyond the confines of its original meanings and intents, it is important to recognize the underpinning values that maker culture is associated with in order to understand when divergent paths are being taken. The readings this week covered the “professionalization” of the maker movement and its role in a new “industrial revolution.” One of the main points of contention in this professionalization was moving beyond several key values in the maker movement, particularly open access and profit. In terms of the former, Silvia Lindtner and Co. highlighted the example of MakerBot becoming open-access-ish in order to protect their design as they tried to produce their product on a mass-scale. The decision to become “’as open as we possibly can’ instead of retaining a strict adherence to open source” [1] drew scorn from maker colleagues for betraying a basic principle of the maker movement. The Makerbot example reminded me of the Dougherty story where he tells of a sous-vide maker who struggles with competitors taking portions of her ideas and putting them to market faster. The necessity for closing off one’s designs in order to make a profit in the industrial production world reveals the tensions in expanding the maker movement to the supply chain.

The issue that I personally have with this professionalization is that it contradicts the central tenet of the maker movement, which is that people should rely on their own ability to make rather than simply consume what’s in front of them. This professionalization seems more concerned with making the supply chain more efficient and quicker to meet the insatiable demands of the twenty-first century consumer. I particularly found the claim by the GE makerspace CEO that “we are the pirates and Appliance Park [the company’s mass manufacturing center for appliances] is the navy” [2]  to be laughable in that it assumes that pirates and the navy would work together in the first place. Pirates are/were known for subverting the will of the institutional navy and not adhering to traditional rules or conduct. The makers that wish to gain corporate access or merely wish to make a profit make the argument that Lindtner repeats, which that it is not only beneficial for their livelihoods, but for the maker movement as well: “many considered such alignments essential in order to move DIY beyond such a hobbyist practice.”[3] By moving toward the profit model of mass production, I fear that makers are simply enabling the “learned helplessness” [4] of consumerism that Dougherty warns in his first chapter of “Free to Make,” as consumers of these rapidly designed products will not be inspired to create on their own but simply demand more, but faster.   
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[1] Lindtner 7
[2] Fallows, Atlantic pt. 2
[3] Lindtner 4

[4] Dougherty XVII

Tuesday, February 14, 2017

6. Tensions Between Formal Education and the Maker Movement

Since I unfortunately had to miss class this past week due to an illness, I’ll use this post to assess the readings about the conversation surrounding the maker movement and formal education. In his chapter on learning, Dougherty pontificates on the value of making as a subversion of a failing, bureaucratic formal education system. Meanwhile, Halverson and Sheridan highlight this debate surrounding standardization and making and its democratizing. The tensions of incorporating making into the formal, K-12 educational sphere reveal the underlying anxiety of how children are educated in the United States and how entrenched elements of the public education system especially are difficult to reimagine.

First, I wanted to tackle the standardization versus democratization debate as it seemed to be a central fear in the maker movement that incorporating making into formal education would institutionalize what should be a self-driven, innovative process. Dougherty states that “our formal education system should adopt the practices of informal learning and bring them from outside school to inside school.” [1] Basically, Dougherty advocates for a learning approach that emphasizes play, tinkering, and self-exploration as the driving forces behind a child’s educational development. However, this runs right up against what Halverson and Sheridan term “the need to standardize,” [2] as educators must justify why and how these maker activities match the curricula or accommodate the needs of each student. Even if a teacher directs a hands-on activity for a class, if it’s in support for a curricular goal, “it is not a maker project” [3] because it is not coming from the students as a self-directed initiative. It seems that while making and maker activities have the ability to democratize knowledge on how to use technologies in pioneering ways, tensions remain on the best ways to actually implement these maker lessons so that the true spirit of making is incorporated into that learning.

This debate on how to implement making in public schools reveals the tenuous confidence that teachers and makers alike have with our formal education system in the United States. One of the few areas of agreement was that our current system does not adequately address challenges of our world and does not enable creative thinking. While it seemed that the makers’ idealism could never fully meld with the teacher’s realism, one point of compromise that I found intriguing was Dougherty’s idea of a maker portfolio, which would serve as an evaluation piece. As Dougherty contends, “making is its own form of assessment for authentic learning.” [4] Finding these middle ground spaces in which maker ideas can integrate with classroom realities is a useful way for the maker movement to be applicable in an educational setting, while also showing compromise in an uncompromising age.

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[1] Dougherty, Dale with Ariane Conrad. Free to Make: How the Maker Movement is Changing Our Schools, Our Jobs, and Our Minds. (Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books, 2016), p. 178.
[2] Halverson, Erica and Kimberly Sheridan. “The Maker Movement in Education.” Harvard Educational Review 84, No. 4. (2014): p. 500.
[3] Dougherty, Free to Make, p. 179.
[4] Dougherty, Free to Make, p. 194.

Monday, February 13, 2017

SPECIAL POST: The 2017 Women's March

Lately, I’ve been reflecting on the Women’s March and the overwhelming DIY creativity present in protests across the United States and the world. Everything from the personalized signs to the hand-knitted pussyhats expressed an inventive ethos that transcended the initial moment. People of all ages, genders, races, nationalities, sexualities, and political interests gathered to declare opposition to the Trump administration, with its rhetoric and policies, and claimed a personal stake in this defiance. The innovation that resulted from this defiance, in both an amusing and solemn fashion, melded with personal identity in such a way that it centered the crafted object as a material that unites across difference.

Besides the cardboard and paper signage, no crafted object was more abundant than the pussyhat, the pink, cat-eared manifestation of the language Donald Trump used while boasting of his success with women in the infamous Access Hollywood tape. Born from socially-conscious knitters who connected online and in-person, the pussyhat originated with hat patterns shared on social media and quickly became a symbolized outfit of resistance. Women’s March protesters and organizers “invited demonstrators to make their own, and suggested that crafters who couldn’t travel to the National Mall make one for somebody else to wear,” [1] which ensured that it would be widely distributed. Its prominence and DIY origins countered the outsourced, manufactured, and commodified “Make America Great Again” red baseball caps that were copious during the election. It was evident that the pussyhats became symbolic of a united front against Trump’s presidency, as photographs and videos of the hats and their wearers were widespread on social media. [2] 

Los Angeles-based singer MILCK and a flash mob choir sing "Quiet" during the Women"s March on Washington.

Yet, that symbolism also revealed tensions within broader feminist and social justice movements, as racial truths also took center stage. The multiplicity of symbolisms of the pussyhats showcase how the practice of making can have powerful cultural impacts with various embedded meanings.  

Pictured: Angela Peoples of the LGBTQ advocacy organization GetEQUAL at the Women's March on Washington. (Image Credit: Kevin Banatte)

The creativity of the signs and their witty and/or potent sayings grabbed so much attention that they inspired many listicles of simply the pictures of some of the most popular signs. [3] Proclaiming both political affirmations and barbed mockeries of the new president, the signs utilized personally-inspired images and text to convey solidarity while also retaining individuality. The diversity of these messages may lack a coherence and singularity that protests such as the March for Jobs and Freedom in 1963 [4], but dismantling the cookie-cutter framing of what a protester should bring or express has the potential to build more powerful coalitions and allow for more progressive innovation. As such, the spirit of making and crafting has the ability to reshape and rewrite the goals and conceptions on the palimpsest of protest. 

The author of this article (left) and friend at the Ann Arbor Women's March on January 21, 2017. (Image Credit: Josué Reyes)
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[1] Walker, Rob. "The D.I.Y. Revolutionaries of the Pussyhat Project." The New Yorker. January 25, 2017. http://www.newyorker.com/culture/culture-desk/the-d-i-y-revolutionaries-of-the-pussyhat-project.
[2] Hilton, Robin. "A Flash Mob Choir At The Women's March Turned This Unknown Song Into An Anthem." NPR. January 23, 2017. http://www.npr.org/sections/allsongs/2017/01/23/511186649/a-flash-mob-choir-at-the-womens-march-turned-this-unknown-song-into-an-anthem.
[3] Reinstein, Julia. "61 Of The Greatest Signs From Women's Marches Around The Country." BuzzFeed. January 21, 2017. https://www.buzzfeed.com/juliareinstein/best-womens-march-signs?utm_term=.ty6BWokzL#.spEBrE0ja.
[4] Kazin, Michael. "Signs of Our Time." Dissent Magazine. February 2, 2017. https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/trump-protest-signs-of-our-time.